Introducción de Herbert Klein y John Jay TePaske a Ingresos de la Real Hacienda de la Nueva España. Publicados por la Secretaría de Hacienda y Crédito Púbico y el Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México D.F. en 1986. (Reproducido con autorización de los autores).
The initial development of the Real Hacienda*.
The speed with which Spain formed its vast empire at the end of the fifteenth century and in the sixteenth century is as impressive as the vast areas the empire comprised, which came to encompass six continents.
However, controlling those colonial dominions was not an easy task; and to dominate the conquered peoples, to maintain the loyalty of the conquerors and their descendants, and to secure a just part of the wealth of the overseas kingdoms, Ferdinand and Isabella, Charles V and Phillip II imposed a strongly structured administration on their colonies. In Castile, the Crown itself, the Casa de Contratación, the Council of the Indies, and councils, boards, and minor officials directed colonial affairs. In the Indies, viceroys, captains general, mayors, audiencias, governors, corregidores, alcaldes mayores, and a host of other officials and institutions exercised royal authority at all levels of colonial politics. The Church also executed and complemented the State power at all levels; archbishops, bishops, church councils, parish priests, and regular clergy served both the royal and state interests and the religious well-being of their constituents.
A vital element in this imposing administrative structure was the network of treasury offices (Cajas Reales) that administered the fiscal interests of the Crown in Spanish America. In fact, by 1501, ten years after the first voyage of Christopher Columbus, the Catholic Monarchs ordered the establishment of a formal system to collect taxes and tribute in Hispaniola and to ensure their fair share of the wealth produced in the island. 1 Later, while Castile extended its dominions from the Caribbean islands to the mainland, the Crown expanded its Real Hacienda system, creating Cajas Reales in important administrative centers, major ports, mining regions, and densely populated indigenous areas. Thus, the royal funds and the royal officials associated with them -accountants, treasurers, veedores, and factors – became the principal administrators of the Crown’s fiscal control in Spanish America.
In the sixteenth century, these royal officers, as they were called, shared responsibilities in the district under their administration. The accountant kept the books, recorded all charges and expenses in account books, certified all transactions, and kept one of the three keys to the chests or chests that contained the funds. The treasurer was personally in charge of collecting the various taxes from the individuals or institutions responsible for the collection, delivering these funds to the prescribed receivers, and keeping the treasure in the chests; he had another chest key.
The factor acted as fiscal agent of the treasury office, negotiated with other factors in the Indies and with officials in Spain; in addition, he protected the arms, ammunition, and supplies contained in the royal deposits of the Caja district. A fourth officer, the veedor, supervised the weighing and smelting of gold and silver and supervised all activities related to mining and money. 2
At the end of the sixteenth century, however, the functions of the factor and the veedor were combined into one and were later eliminated, leaving the accountant and the treasurer as the principal officials of the Caja Real. 3
The most critical treasuries, such as those of Lima and Mexico, had, of course, several junior officers who recorded the entries in the accounts, copied them, worked with the treasurer collecting taxes, and guarded the royal treasure chests. However, an accountant or a treasurer often did all the work in the smaller districts.
The Crown established various procedures to prevent fraud and embezzlement by the royal officials. No disbursement or deposit could be made in the treasury office without the presence of those who had in their possession the three keys -the accountant, the treasurer, and the most important official of the district (the viceroy in person, the Audiencia president, or the governor)-. All three had to be present to open the chest. In addition, the royal treasure chestes and the accountant’s account books were always subject to periodic or sudden audits carried out by investigators or visitors.
All the accounts were sent to Spain to be reviewed by the General Accounting Office of the Indies Council before settling them. In 1605, Felipe III added an intermediate body to ensure an honest administration of the royal funds by creating the Tribunal de Cuentas of Lima, Santa Fe de Bogota, and Mexico.
The Major Accountants of this court made annual visits to the treasury offices within their jurisdiction, reviewed the books, and were authorized to file charges against those who had violated the royal regulations or had committed fraud. The Tribunal de Cuentas also reviewed all the accounts before sending them to the Main Accounting Office of the Council of the Indies in Castilla.4
The Mexican Cajas Reales.
In Mexico, the Cajas Reales appeared as Spain extended its dominance over new regions of New Spain. 5Preeminent throughout the colonial period and the first to be established, the Real Caja de México was created in 1521, immediately after the conquest of Tenochtitlán.
Ten years later, in 1531, a Caja Real was created in Veracruz due to its importance as the main entry port for Spanish and European goods to Mexico and the remissions of Mexican silver to the metropolis.6 In 1540, during the war of conquest against the Mayans, the Crown created a treasury office in Mérida de Yucatán. Although Guadalajara had an overseer of foundries from 1531, only until 1543 was a royal treasury established.
Zacatecas followed in 1552, shortly after the city’s founding and the discovery of its rich silver deposits. 7 After establishing the Real Caja de Zacatecas, the Crown did not create new treasury offices for almost forty years until 1590, when the rapid expansion of trade between New Spain and the Philippines necessitated a new office in Acapulco. Nine years later, in 1599, the first accounts of the Caja in Guadiana or Durango appeared, and more than a quarter of a century later, in 1628, the Real Caja de San Luis Potosí was founded. Thus, just over a century after the conquest of Tenochtitlán, New Spain had eight treasury offices distributed in its three main mining areas (Zacatecas, Durango, and San Luis Potosí), in its two main ports (Veracruz and Acapulco) and its three most important administrative centers and markets (México, Mérida, and Guadalajara).
The growth rate of the Real Hacienda slowed somewhat in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries but followed the same pattern: wherever the Crown found significant new sources of income, particularly in mining areas, and wherever it felt the need to more firmly exercise its authority, established a new treasury office. On this basis, the Cajas were established in the mining regions of Guanajuato in 1665, Pachuca in 1667, Sombrerete in 1683, Zimapán in 1729, and Bolaños in 1753. The creation of the Caja de Campeche in 1716 and the reestablishment of the small Caja de Tabasco in 1728 reflected the growing military and commercial importance of the eastern coast of New Spain. 8
In the second half of the eighteenth century, the Spanish Bourbons created seven new fiscal districts to strengthen royal authority in border areas of northern Mexico and along the Bay of Campeche and ensure efficient tax collection in the intendancies, created in 1785. In 1770, for example, the Los Alamos Caja was created, demonstrating the growing Spanish urgency and Charles III’s desire to strengthen his dominance over Sonora and the eastern coast of the Gulf of California. The continuous northward expansion hastened the transfer of the Caja de Los Alamos to Rosario in 1783 and Cosalá in 1806 or 1807. The creation, in that same region, of the Arizpe sub-treasury or pagaduría, in 1781, and its transformation into a formal Caja district in 1791, after its designation as quartermaster, reflected the Crown’s desire to penetrate the north further, as well as to install royal treasury officers in the twelve intendancies.
In the north and northwest of Mexico, the treasury offices of Chihuahua and Saltillo, established in 1785 and 1794 respectively, demonstrated the same trend: securing the border by planting the Spanish administrative machinery in border areas, despite the heavy dependence on these Cajas Reales from other treasuries for their maintenance. In the Bay of Campeche, military needs and control of the contraband prompted the reestablishment of the Real Caja del Presidio del Carmen in 1774, a treasury office that had operated for a brief time perhaps as payment, earlier in the eighteenth century. Finally, at the end of the century, the establishment of the Cajas Reales in Michoacán (in 1788) and Oaxaca (in 1790) completed the network of fiscal districts in Mexico. Significantly, by 1800 each intendancy, each archbishopric and bishopric, each main entry port and mining region, each great market and administrative center, and each border outpost had its treasury office, twenty-three in all, not including the sub-treasuries of San Carlos de Perote, San Blas de California and the internal provinces. Unlike Peru, where some smaller Cajas were abandoned or absorbed by larger treasury offices, the Mexican Cajas did not cease to function effectively and exercised fiscal control for the Crown in the regions under its jurisdiction.
The twenty-three Mexican treasury offices were organized into geographic groupings. On the eastern coast strong ties united the treasuries of Mérida, Tabasco, Presidio del Carmen, Campeche and Veracruz. In the west and northeast, the treasuries of Guadalajara, Los Alamos-Rosario-Cosalá, Durango, and Chihuahua were closely linked. Chihuahua, in turn, functioned as a conduit for funds from more opulent treasuries, such as Durango or Rosario, destined for the prisons of the northeast of Santa Fe, El Paso del Río del Norte, Texas, San Buenaventura, Cajigal, San Elizario, Príncipe and Cerrogordo. To the east, the Cajas Reales of San Luis Potosí and Saltillo developed strong ties beginning in 1794, so strong that the San Luis Potosí provided most of the funds for Saltillo and the presidios and colonies of Nuevo León, Nuevo Santander, and Texas.
The main treasury office of Mexico was the most important in New Spain, and in one way or another, it was related to all the other Cajas. As the parent Caja, the other treasury offices’ surplus was destined for Mexico, except those on the eastern coast, which sent their small surplus to Veracruz for remittance to Spain or the Caribbean. Even Cajas such as those of Durango and San Luis Potosí, which assumed the responsibility of supplying the presidios of the north at the end of the eighteenth century, sent their surplus to Mexico. The mining treasury offices of Bolaños, Guanajuato, Pachuca, Sombrerete, Zacatecas, and Zimapán were also closely linked to the capital, which provided the main Caja with large sums from mining taxes. Created in the last decades of the eighteenth century and closely linked to the orbit of the capital, the Michoacán, Puebla, and Oaxaca treasure chestes sent significant sums of fiscal income from alcabalas tributes, bulls of the Holy Cross, various royal monopolies, and a large number of other sources. Acapulco and Veracruz, due to their importance as outflows of funds that went from Mexico to the Far East or Spain, also had significant links with the parent company. Thus, although each New Spanish bank had its importance, the relationships between them were equally important in determining the fiscal structure of the Spanish empire in America.
The cartas-cuentas of the royal treasuries as historical sources.
The accounts kept in the twenty-three royal treasure chestes by royal officials are fundamental for the study of the economy and society of New Spain, particularly after the 1570s and 1580s, when the account summaries adopted a stable organization and structure. 9
Normally, the accountant kept the manual book and the general ledger. In the manual book, he recorded entries and exits daily, regardless of the source of income; in the ledger, he kept accounts by branch or section. For example, the taxes collected were recorded in the general ledger in the field of almojarifazgos. The expenses were recorded in the manual book and in the general ledger in the same way. At the end of the accounting period, the accountant added the entries for each branch and put them in a summary, usually at the end of the general ledger, which listed the aggregated figures for each branch, both on the income and expense side. The existing summaries of the twenty-three treasure chestes in Mexico are in these volumes.10
The entries, posted on the cargo side of the summaries, reveal much of the activities in the Caja district. For example, the entries list taxes on the production of silver and gold (3 por ciento del oro, 1.5 por ciento y quinto del oro, 1 por ciento y diezmos de plata, etc.) and on the minting of silver (señoreaje). Sales tax collections (alcabalas, 2 por ciento de Armada de Barlovento, alcabalas encabezonadas, etc.) reflect commercial activity in the Caja district. At the same time, in ports such as Acapulco, Campeche, Tabasco, and Veracruz, the almojarifazgos collected reveal the magnitude of trade and import and export. The ecclesiastical offices bore a heavy burden and paid exactions such as the media annata eclesiástica, the mesada eclesiástica, and the subsidio eclesiástico. Likewise, secular trades paid the media annata secular and 4 por ciento de salarios, since the late eighteenth century. Payments for the sale, resignation, or rent of trades (oficios vendibles y renunciables) were also a source of real income. In addition to taxes on secular trades, the Church bore other burdens since it made contributions from the income of vacantes mayores y menores, when a bishop died, and the seat was temporarily vacant (espoleos). It also contributed with the ninth half of the income from tithes reserved for the Crown (novenos). The bishoprics also provided funds for the maintenance of the Royal Order of Charles III, the Bishop of Louisiana, Prince Clemece of Saxony, and the Royal Chapel of Madrid. The income from a multitude of royal monopolies (alumbres, nieve, naipes, cobre, peleas de gallos, plaza de toros, papel sellado, salinas, lotería, cordobanes, tabaco, and the all-important branch of azogues) also helped fill the royal coffers. The sale of indulgences (bulas de Santa Cruzada and bulas cuadragesimales) was another royal privilege. Although the Indians were exempt from many taxes, they paid the tribute, the nuevo servicio real, the medio real de hospital, and the medio real de ministros. They also contributed to the community funds of their towns (bienes de comunidades). Other income came from sources such as the legalization and sale of land titles (composición de tierras), taxes on foreigners (composición de extranjeros), and licenses for shops (pulperías). Pensions for widows, orphans, and retirees were paid from discounts made to the salaries of soldiers and officers (montepío militar, montepío de ministros, inválidos, etc.). In the port cities, the ships that arrived had to pay significant fees, such as buques, anclaje, and other taxes collected to maintain the ports.
The amounts recorded on the accounts’ debit side indicated tax revenue and temporary inflows of money deposited in the Caja Real and available to spend royal officials during the accounting period. These sometimes consisted of remnants of the previous account (existencia o alcances de cuentas); other times, they consisted of uncollected debt (debido de cobrar debido de cobrar años anteriores, debido de cobrar esta cuenta, etc.). The money that entered in the Caja as collateral was recorded as a deposit and was normally withdrawn once the obligations had been fulfilled. Loans of all kinds were frequent and appeared in many ways in the books (préstamos, préstamos patrióticos, empréstitos, suplementos de real hacienda, imposiciones de capitales, etc.). At the end of the eighteenth century, the Crown ordered that all pesos de a ocho and reales be minted again; this appeared on the debit side of the accounts as cambios de platas or moneda macuquina, but does not constitute, in any way, an entry. Thus, many figures on the charge side should not be considered as income but as carryover funds from previous years, deposits, loans, debt without collection or minting of coins.
In many accounts, especially in the Caja of Mexico before the second half of the eighteenth century, the extraordinario constituted an entry of great magnitude and importance. Technically, this branch included income that could not be located in any established branches. In Mexico, for example, in 1750 the extraordinary branch amounted to 368,001 pesos. This sum included funds from many of the royal monopolies such as cockfighting, playing cards, gunpowder, loans made to the treasury for the defense of the Caribbean, transportation taxes paid by those who bought mercury for silver amalgamation, income from vacant military salaries, and so on. As new branches were added to the accounts in the second half of the eighteenth century, the extraordinary tax category lost importance. The data side of the accounts, which recorded exenditures, is as important as the cargo side, as it details how the income was spent. The data records included the salaries of all public officials such as the viceroy, the oidores, the alcaides del crimen of the Real Audiencia, the alcaldes mayores and corregidores, the royal officials, porters, guards, and a multitude of other civil servants who provided services in the tax district. These accounts also included the expenses for paper, pens, ink, and rent and repair of the offices used by these officials. Salaries and expenses for defense and the military and naval establishment in Mexico were listed under the categories guerra, sueldos militares, milicias, tropa arreglada, tropa suelta, taller de armería, sala de armas, Armada de Barlovento, gasto de navíos, marina, gastos de guerra, gastos extraordinarios de guerra, gastos de guerra contra los Chichimecas, etc.
The situados shipped to Florida, the Presidio del Carmen, the Internal Provinces, Pansacola, Louisiana, Cuba, Santo Domingo, Puerto Rico, and other presidios and garrisons in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico, were also included as part of the military spending. The accounts of the Cajas in Mexico and Acapulco also reveal large sums of money sent to the Philippines for the military forces that were there and for the administrative personnel who provided their services in Manila. Subsidies to the clergy, charitable works, pensions, and the repair and construction of public buildings and roads took small portions of royal income. These included the sínodos paid to clergy working in Indian towns (sínodos, sínodos de misiones, and sínodos de doctrinas) and other support for regular and secular clergy (estipendios espirituales, misiones, limosnas del vino y aceite). Expenditures for educational and charitable works were listed under headings such as colegio seminarios, hospital de indios, etc. The repair and construction of public buildings and churches also required funds from the Cajas Reales (fábrica del palacio, fábrica de la iglesia, reparos de las casas reales, and reparo de la catedral) and the endless repair and construction of Mexico City’s drainage system (desagüe de Huehuetoca). Pensions paid to widows, orphans, and retired civil and military officers were paid with discounts made to the salaries of active-duty officers (montepío militar, montepío de oficinas, montepío de ministros, asignaciones para España, and inválidos). As noted above, part of the Church’s income was destined to maintain the Louisiana bishopric, the Royal Order of Charles III (pension carolina), to the Prince Clemence of Saxony, and Madrid’s senior chaplain. A special part of the fiscal income was destined to the Court of the Acordada, to the maintenance of the roads of New Spain, to the expenses of clothing, food and lodging of both the militia and poor war veterans. Shipments to other Cajas were another essential item in the cartas-cuentas, since in many cases, ninety percent or more of the Cajas’ income, especially in sparsely populated mining regions, remained in the fiscal district after paying the salaries and other expenses. The remittance items indicate where in New Spain these funds were sent. Likewise, the accounts of Mexico, initially, and Veracruz later, document the large sums sent to the king in Castile.
In most cases, the items indicate the source of the income and how it was spent; for example, the alcabalas item on the cargo side lists what was collected by sales taxes or what was paid by the header; the same item on the data side typically indicates what the collection of that tax cost. However, this is not always the case; in most Cajas, for instance, branches such as the tribute and the uno por ciento and diezmos de plata paid the salaries and major expenses that accrued in the Caja district. However, these were often not recorded in the cartas-cuentas as salaries or expenses, but as royal tributes or as one percent and silver tithes. In Michoacán, for example, in 1800, royal officials collected 118,350 pesos in alcabalas and included this sum in the summary on the cargo side. On the data side, it was established that 112,030 pesos were spent from the alcabalas branch. But how? Of these 112,030 pesos 75,000 were remitted to the Caja de México, other substantial sums went to salaries and expenses in the district of the Caja, and a minor sum was used to pay the collection of the alcabalas. The same happened with the 100,444 pesos collected from the tribute branch and the 82,852 pesos spent from the same source. Of these 82,852 pesos, 15,000 were sent to Mexico City, and the rest went to the expenses and salaries of the officers in the Valladolid region; they were not spent on sínodos or gastos de recaudación. In the same way, some items on the cargo side may not indicate from which source that income came. The fábrica de palacio was a common branch in many Cajas in the eighteenth century, as well as the desagüe de Huehuetoca. The fábrica de palacio revenue came from license fees for branding cattle or prematurely slaughtering young cattle, while the desagüe collected its income from taxes on wine and from licenses to sell meat.
Changes in accounting procedures created problems; the Caja de México provides a good example. In 1796 the income from the distribution of the bulas de Santa Cruzada totaled 233,117 pesos; in 1797 that same source produced 8,325,104 pesos. Why? Charles IV was apparently desperate for money to carry out the war against England, so to find out what income could be harnessed, he ordered the colonial accountants to list the total amount of funds available from the royal estate. Thus, in the summary, the heading of bulas de Santa Cruzada included what was left in that branch of previous years, as well as the sum collected in 1797. This situation continued until 1800, when the summary already only reflected the annual income derived from the sale of bulas. In the Caja Real of Mexico City, the tax items on silver production from 1576 to 1702 indicate what was collected in the tax district. After 1702, the silver tax items (silver duties, silver tithes, etc.) indicate the total net remainder of this tax from all the Cajas in Mexico, after actually paying salaries and expenses. Thus, in 1702, the Cajas of Durango, Guadalajara, Guanajuato, Mexico, Pachuca, San Luis Potosí, Sombrerete and Zacatecas produced more than 500,000 pesos of taxes on silver. After paying salaries and expenses, approximately 275,000 pesos remained as net income in the Mexican cash register. This system prevailed until 1795 when the accountant reverted to the old system that consisted of recording only the silver taxes collected in the Caja district of Mexico. Another difficulty in using the accounts is that some accountants entered net amounts, deducting payments related to expenses and salaries. This is especially true for the tribute branch, in which sínodos and collection costs were deducted from the tribute paid, and only the net amount was recorded in the account.
1. Ismael Sánchez Bella, La organización financiera de las Indias (siglo XVI) (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1968), p. 12. This is an excellent treatment of the initial development of the royal hacienda system in the Indies before creating the Tribunal de Cuentas in Mexico, Santa Fe de Bogotá, and Lima in 1605. Continuar leyendo
2. Sánchez Bella, Organización financiera, pp. 108-117. Continuar leyendo
3. The veedor, for example, was later replaced by the ensayador, the fundidor, and other royal officials. Apparently, the factor disappeared entirely sometime in the sixteenth century. Continuar leyendo
4. For the organization of the Tribunal de Cuentas and its responsibilities for the Cajas Reales, see Sánchez Bella, Organización financiera, pp. 59-69. An excellent study on the role of the pesquisadores and visitadores, preventing fraud and guaranteeing the honesty of the administration of the royal savings banks, is that of Amalia Gómez Gómez, Las visitas de la Real Hacienda novohispana en el reinado de Felipe V (1710-1733), Sevilla, Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1979. Continuar leyendo
5. In this introduction, it should be noted that the royal treasury offices of Mexico or New Spain cover the territory of all of present-day Mexico and parts of what is today the southwest and west of the United States of North America; but not Central America, the Caribbean islands, Florida and Louisiana, which were at times quite dependent upon the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Continuar leyendo
6. The exact dates for the creation of the Cajas Reales of Mexico are not known with precision. In some cases, like those of Guanajuato, Zacatecas, and Guadalajara, the dates are known; in others, the evidence is insufficient. This is why we use the dates of the first appearance of the cartas-cuenta of the various Cajas Reales. Consequently, it must be considered that there was often a period between the actual royal order that established a Caja and the moment when it began its function. Continuar leyendo
7. Peter J. Bakewell, Minería y sociedad en el México colonial: Zacatecas (1546-1700), México, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1976, p. 35. Continuar leyendo
8. A royal treasure chest functioned in Tabasco for a short time in the eighteenth century (1605-1612), but it ceased to exist, or its accounts disappeared around 1728. Continuar leyendo
9. There are cartas-cuenta for the sixteenth century prior to those printed in the present three volumes, but they are almost always very unstructured and require analysis branch by branch. This is why we started the publication of these accounts when they began to be prepared branch by branch with summaries indicating the inputs and outputs in each of these branches. The sixteenth century accounts are easily consulted in the Contaduría Section of the Archivo de Indias. Some have been used to great advantage in historical studies. See particularly Paul E. Hoffman, The Spanish Crown and the Defense of the Caribbean, 1535-1585: Precedent, Patrimonialism and Royal Parsimony. Baton Rouge and London, Louisiana State University Press, 1980. Continuar leyendo
10. There is no complete study on the structure, development, and operation of the Real Hacienda system for the entire colonial period. The book by Sánchez Bella La organización financiera, is excellent for the institutional history of the royal hacienda in the sixteenth century; but for the later period it is necessary to consult various sources. The most valuable work on the various branches of the royal hacienda is Fabián de Fonseca y Carlos de Urrutia, Historia general de la real hacienda, 6 tomos, México, Vicente G. Torres, 1845-53; reedición facsimilar. México, Secretaría de Hacienda y Crédito Público, 1978. A reference work is the one edited by Alberto María Carreño, Compendio de la historia de la real hacienda de Nueva España. Escrito en el año de 1794 por D. Joaquín Maniau. México, Imprenta de la Secretaría de Industria y Comercio, 1914. These two works help explain many of the items in the summaries. As regards the laws and regulations that governed the royal estate, there are some original sources of utility. .
For the initial period, it is possible to refer to Alfonso García Gallo (editor), Cedulario indiano. Recopilado por Diego de Encinas, Oficial Mayor de la Escribanía de Cámara del Consejo Supremo y Real de las Indias, Libro Tercero Madrid, Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica, 1946, pp. 224-323; Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, Política indiana, tomo II, Madrid, Gabriel Ramírez, 1739 (there is a facsimilar reedition of this book published by the Secretaría de Programación y Presupuesto, 1979) pp. 423-521; the Recopilación de leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, Madrid, Consejo de la Hispanidad, 1943.
The two volumes of Manuel Josef de Ayala, Diccionario de gobierno y legislación de Indias, Madrid, Compañía Ibero-Americana de Publicaciones, s.s., 1929, are also useful. For the eighteenth century, two works are particularly valuable for the study of changes in the administration of the royal treasury and the rates of levies the Crown imposed in Spanish America: Reglamento para el comercio libre, 1778. Sevilla, Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1978; Gisela Morazzani de Pérez Enciso (editora), Las ordenanzas de intendentes de Indias, Caracas, Universidad Central de Venezuela, Facultad de Derecho, 1972. Nevertheless, a comprehensive study on the Real Hacienda system in New Spain and the Spanish Empire is still needed. Continuar leyendo